|
4 July 1854, Tuesday; ca. 3:30 p.m.
Framingham, Massachusetts; Harmony (also "Framingham" and "Island")
Grove
"Slavery in Massachusetts"
[Back to Calendar of Lectures]
NARRATIVE OF EVENT: In September 1850, the
United States Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Law, which granted slaveholders the right
to seize runaway slaves anywhere in the U.S. and carry them back to the South. The first
attempt at rendition in February of 1851 failed when abolitionists rescued a runaway named
Shadrach from his captors in Boston and sent him on to safety in Canada. Less than two
months later, however, another runaway, Thomas Sims, was seized in Boston, but on that
occasion local, state, and federal troops ensured that Sims’s owners were able to
carry him back to Georgia.
Thoreau and hundreds of thousands of
others in the North were outraged by the Fugitive Slave Law and the Sims rendition, which
seemed to them flagrant violations by the federal government of the rights guaranteed to
states under the U.S. Constitution. As a consequence of these and similar actions by the
federal government, the Nullification movement, which posited that a state had a right to
nullify laws mandated by the federal government, garnered more serious attention in the
North than it had before been accorded.
Two key events immediately preceded and
helped set the stage for the meeting sponsored by the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society
on 4 July 1854. On 24 May, Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave working in a Boston clothing
store, was arrested and slated to be shipped back to Virginia. Abolitionists protested at
Faneuil Hall, and Thomas Wentworth Higginson led a failed attempt to rescue Burns from the
Boston jail. Burns was escorted under heavy guard by the militia to a revenue cutter,
which returned him to slavery. The second key event was the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
Act, which became law on 30 May. One provision of the Act was the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise, an action that removed the explicit prohibition of slavery in the northern
reaches of the Louisiana Purchase.
Thoreau was incensed over the Anthony
Burns affair. On 29 May, he began a long, scathing journal entry with these two sentences,
the second of which would echo again in "Slavery in Massachusetts": "These
days it is left to one Mr. Loring to say whether a citizen of Massachusetts is a slave or
not. Does any one think that Justice or God awaits Mr. Loring’s decision?" (J,
6:313). The arrangements by which Thoreau joined Garrison, Phillips, and the others on the
podium at Framingham are not known. The absence of his name from announcements of the
event suggests that he was a last-minute addition, but we do not know whether he was asked
to speak or sought the opportunity. In view of his aroused emotions at the moment and of
his apparent difficulty getting Concordians to talk about the North rather than the South,
it is certainly possible that the announced rally struck him as an ideal forum to get
things off his chest. Minimal time to prepare was not really a problem because on the
issue of slavery and Massachusetts his long-stewing thought and rhetoric had already
reached the boiling point. Indeed, in writing "Slavery in Massachusetts," he
essentially mined his still fresh journal entries on Burns and earlier passages on the
Thomas Sims case.
The Fourth of July in 1854 was a scorcher.
On 6 July the Springfield Daily Republican began a wrap-up story of Fourth of July
events around Massachusetts (including the Harmony Grove "pic-nic") with the
following testimonial to the miserable heat: "July 4, 1775, tried men’s souls.
Seventy-nine years later, July 4, 1854, men’s bodies were tried. The heat on
‘the day we celebrate’ was intense; and many evil and sad effects flowed from it
. . . ." Among the sad effects cited was the demise of a Worcester merchant who
"was fatally affected, while mowing at a friend’s near the city, and was very
soon a corpse." Stories in the Boston Daily Bee and Boston Daily Atlas
on 6 July added to the litany of woe, including sunstroke casualties and dead horses in
Boston, where it was 101 degrees in the shade, and on the same day the Salem Register
reported that seventy-five hogs had died in railroad cars. On such a hot day, even the
usually beckoning recreational and meeting facilities at Harmony Grove must have looked
daunting to the four-hundred to two-thousand (estimates vary) ralliers who arrived by
foot, horseback, carriages, and special trains from Boston, Milford, and Worcester.
Harmony Grove was located on the shores of
Farm Pond in the southern section of Framingham. It had boating facilities and areas for
strolling, for playing games, and for holding large outdoor meetings—a combination
making it a popular spot for gatherings of temperance, abolition, and other social reform
societies active at the time. From 1846 to 1865 the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society
celebrated the Fourth of July with a picnic and rally at this spot, also referred to as
Island Grove and Framingham Grove. In 1909 a local shoe manufacturer named Moses N. Arnold
affixed to a boulder on the site of the speaker’s stand a bronze tablet commemorating
Garrison and the abolitionists.1
The meeting in Harmony Grove’s shady
amphitheater that hot Fourth of July in 1854 was called to order at 10:45 a.m. by Charles
Jackson Francis.2 The first order of business was
the election of officers: elected president of the day was Garrison; elected vice
presidents were Francis Jackson of Boston, William Whiting of Concord, Effingham L. Capron
of Worcester, Dora M. Taft of Framingham, Charles L. Remond of Salem, John Pierpont of
Medford, Charles F. Hovey of Gloucester, Jonathan Buffum of Lynn, Asa Cutler of
Connecticut, and Andrew T. Foss of New Hampshire; elected secretaries were Samuel May,
Jr., of Leicester, William H. Fish of Milford, and R. F. Wallcut of Boston; elected to the
Finance Committee were Abby Kelley Foster, Ebenezer D. Draper, Lewis Ford, Mrs. Olds of
Ohio, Lucy Stone, and Nathaniel B. Spooner. Garrison then "read appropriate passages
of Scripture, and an anti-slavery hymn was sung by the whole assembly," after which
Dr. Henry O. Stone welcomed those assembled to Framingham, to "that beautiful grove,
and to the duties and high privileges of the cause" they espoused.
After a few other introductory remarks by
Stone alluding to the mottoes and insignia on the platform, and "inviting all
discontented with the present position of affairs to stand on the anti-slavery
platform," Garrison delivered a lengthy address to the assembly, extolling the
revolutionary spirit of the Declaration of Independence and surveying the dismal
"story of American influence upon the liberties of the world": "We have
proved recreant to our own faith, false to our own standard, treacherous to the trust
committed to our hands; so that, instead of helping to extend the blessings of freedom, we
have mightily served the cause of tyranny throughout the world." Garrison then spoke
about the prospects for the success of the revolutionary spirit within the nation,
prospects he regarded as dismal because of the insatiable greed, boundless rapacity, and
profligate disregard of justice prevalent at the time. He concluded his speech by
asserting, "Such is our condition, such are our prospects, as a people, on the 4th of
July, 1854!" Setting aside his manuscript, he told the assembly that "he should
now proceed to perform an action which would be the testimony of his own soul to all
present, of the estimation in which he held the pro-slavery laws and deeds of the
nation":
Producing a copy of the Fugitive Slave Law, he set fire to it, and it burst to
ashes. Using an old and well-known phrase, he said, "And let all the people say, Amen";
and a unanimous cheer and shout of "Amen" burst from the vast audience. In like
manner, Mr. Garrison burned the decision of Edward G. Loring in the case of Anthony Burns,
and the late charge of Judge Benjamin R. Curtis to the United States Grand Jury in
reference to the "treasonable" assault upon the Court House for the rescue of
the fugitive—the multitude ratifying the fiery immolation with shouts of applause.
Then holding up the U.S. Constitution, he branded it as the source and parent of all the
other atrocities,—"a covenant with death, and an agreement with
hell,"—and consumed it to ashes on the spot, exclaiming, "So perish all
compromises with tyranny! And let all the people say, Amen!" A tremendous shout of
"Amen!" went up to heaven in ratification of the deed, mingled with a few hisses
and wrathful exclamations from some who were evidently in a rowdyish state of mind, but
who were at once cowed by the popular feeling.
This account of Garrison’s actions, from the Liberator of 7 July 1854, was
likely provided by Garrison himself, who edited the newspaper and thus was able to put his
own spin on the proceedings. At least three other sources suggest that the burning of the
Constitution was not so well received. According to the Boston Evening Traveller of
5 July 1854, just as Garrison "was proceeding to burn the Constitution . . . Mr.
Mellen asked that the paper might be laid on the table till the question as to whether it
contenanced slavery was settled. He was refused leave to proceed, and the [C]onstitution
was burned in silence, followed by applause, although there were many hisses, and repeated
cries of shame." Likewise, the Boston Commonwealth of 5 July 1854 reported
that Garrison’s "burning of the Constitution was witnessed with disgust and
indignation by a large number of those who were assembled, some of whom vented their
feelings by hisses and outcries." A third report is from Thoreau’s Virginian
friend and Harvard Divinity School student Moncure Daniel Conway, who addressed the
assembly later in the day and who afterward wrote of Garrison’s action, "There
were mingled ‘Amens’ and hisses, and some voices of protest. . . ."3
In any case, after Garrison’s
dramatic act, the African-American anti-slavery orator Charles Remond stood up "as
the humble representative of the American colored people, to give his hearty
approbation" of Garrison’s action and to declare those who had expressed their
indignation "as negro-haters, and their sentiments not worth a farthing." John
C. Cluer then rose and "said he had been somewhat amused, and a little pained, to
hear the remarks of some of the very great lovers of liberty" in the audience; then
Cluer, who had been arrested and thrown in jail for attempting to free Anthony Burns,
recounted and reflected on some of his rescue- and jail-related experiences. It may have
been at this time that, as Moncure Conway later related:
a young Southerner rose in the audience and began to talk fiercely. There were cries of
"Platform," and Garrison, who presided, invited the youth to come up and speak
freely. The young man complied, and in the course of his defense of slavery and affirming
his sincerity, twice exclaimed, "As God is my witness!" "Young man,"
cried Sojourner Truth,4 "I don’t believe
God Almighty even hearn tell of you!" Her shrill voice sounded through the grove like
a bugle; shouts of laughter responded, and the poor Southerner could not recover from that
only interruption.5
At one o’clock, either after this event or after Cluer’s address, Garrison
came forward, led the audience in another hymn, and called for a one-hour recess.
During the recess the assembled auditors
dispersed around the Grove, laid blankets on the grass, and ate their picnic luncheons.
Some of them went sailing on the lake, but very likely most of them discussed the events
that had occurred during the morning session—and particularly Garrison’s burning
of the Constitution, which many newspaper editors across the country would soon hear about
and excoriate in their columns, many of them in the most scathing terms.
The meeting resumed at two o’clock
with the singing of a hymn, followed by the introduction of Moncure Conway. As recounted
in the 14 July 1854 Liberator, Conway stated that in Virginia, "every man with
a conscience, or even the first throbbings of a conscience, is a slave." This
statement by Conway was, of course, the Virginia counterpart to what Thoreau would later
say about "Slavery in Massachusetts." Nor, indeed, were they the only ones that
day who argued that citizens of a government condoning slavery are themselves enslaved by
their very citizenship. Clearly, this was a concept very much in the air at the time. The
account of Conway’s speech in the Liberator continued: "Slaveholders, he
found were not confined to Virginia; he had found them wherever he had gone two feet in
Massachusetts; and he believed he could go back to Virginia, and find as many freemen
there as he had found in Massachusetts. As soon as each man had resolved to abolish
slavery in his heart, the work would be done. . . . They had no right, until all men had
their rights; he sincerely believed that no man could be a slave in America to-day, if
they were not slaves."
After Conway, the platform was taken by
Sojourner Truth. Part of her brief speech reported in the Liberator said, "The
white people owed the colored race a big debt, and if they paid it all back, they
wouldn’t have any thing left for seed. (Laughter.) All they could do was to repent,
and have the debt forgiven them."
As reported in the Liberator, the
next speaker, Wendell Phillips, argued against the notion of Massachusetts and the
non-South being somehow anti-slavery. "We shall never get any better, until we see
ourselves in an honest glass; until we get out of this habit of praising ourselves. The
people of Massachusetts are not Abolitionists—but a very small portion of them. The
State is a pro-slavery State, as a whole. The Fourth of July is a pro-slavery day—a
day meant to commemorate the independence of thirteen States, in every one of which there
were slaves when the Declaration was issued; and not one of which took the slightest
measure, for years afterwards, to free a slave."
Next to speak was Stephen S. Foster.
According to the 7 July Liberator, "There are, he said, two parties in this
country, and but two. One is on Slavery’s side, the other on the side of Liberty; and
the time is come, when men should either put a thorough anti-slavery interpretation upon
the Constitution, and practically carry out that interpretation, or take a stand with us
outside of the Constitution." Foster "called on the friends of liberty every
where to resist the Fugitive Slave Law, each one with such weapons as he thought right and
proper; and to nullify that law, not only over United States laws, but over the laws of
Massachusetts also."
At this point Garrison introduced Thoreau
to the crowd. Stepping to the podium, Thoreau looked out at his audience and intoned,
"You have my sympathy; it is all I have to give you, but you may find it important to
you." He then went on to deliver what the Liberator of 7 July called portions
of his "racy and ably written address."
Thoreau was followed by Lucy Stone, who
"held her great audience in almost breathless silence" with an indictment of the
"low state of morals prevalent among the people." Next, with yet another message
closely akin to Thoreau’s, John Pierpont contended that "it is not in the power
of man, nor, indeed, in the power of any number of men, to enact any law, or to enter into
any agreement, that does, in its nature, antagonise with the laws of Almighty God."
Pierpont assured his auditors that "if a legislature enact a law which is contrary to
the law of God,—as, for example, enact a law demanding of a subject to murder a
fellow-subject,—we are bound to disobey this law." The Fugitive Slave Law, he
said, was such an ungodly law.
Next, at about five o’clock, came
closing remarks by Garrison, who declared, as reported in the 14 July Liberator,
that "The only remedy in our case is a dissolution of the Union." A toast was
then offered to the health of abolitionist Parker Pillsbury, who was ailing in England,
and, after a final hymn, the meeting adjourned. Said the 7 July Liberator account,
"It was a day well-spent."
A day well spent, indeed. The Framingham
rally culminated, in a sense, the Anthony Burns affair, which turned into a catalytic
propaganda event that ultimately made Massachusetts abolitionists out of many former
apathists and apologists of slavery. Commissioner Edward G. Loring, who had ordered
Burns’ rendition to Virginia and who Thoreau severely castigated in his speech, was
subsequently removed from office and scorned by both students and fellow faculty at
Harvard College. In addition, a Personal Liberty Law passed by the state legislature made
the Fugitive Slave Law effectively unenforceable in Massachusetts. As for Anthony Burns
himself, fortunately, if ironically, his political freedom was secured by the very
institution that had taken it away: Northern philanthropists succeeded in purchasing Burns
from his Virginia master, whereupon he was set free and sent to study for the ministry at
Oberlin College (Days, p. 317).
ADVERTISEMENTS, REVIEWS, AND
RESPONSES: The following advertisement appeared in the 28 June 1854 Worcester
Palladium, and ones almost identical to it appeared in the Boston Commonwealth
on 30 June and the Boston Daily Evening Traveller on 1 July:
Meeting for True Freedom
on the Fourth of July.
The Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society invite, without distinction of
party or sect, and without reference to varieties of opinion, all who mean to be known as
on liberty’s side, in the great struggle which is now upon us, to meet in full and
earnest convention, at
The Grove in Framingham,
On the approaching Fourth of July, there
to pass the day in no idle and deceptive glorying in our country’s liberties, but in
deep humiliation for her Disgrace and Shame, and in resolute purpose—God being our
leader—to rescue old Massachusetts at least from being bound forever to the car of
Slavery.
Special trains will run on that day, to
the Grove, from Boston, Worcester, and Milford —leaving each place at 9.25 a.m. Returning—leave
the Grove about 5 1-2 p.m. Fare, by all these trains, to the Grove and back, fifty cents.
The beauty of the Grove, and the
completeness and excellence of its accommodations, are well known. Eminent speakers,
from different quarters of the State, will be present.
By order of the Committee of Arrangements
Accounts of the Harmony Grove meeting
were published in many newspapers, the fullest and most flattering in Garrison’s own
anti-slavery Liberator. Horace Greeley’s New-York Daily Tribune offered
this straight summary on 6 July: "Abolition Meeting in Massachusetts.— A
gathering of five or six hundred abolitionists took place in Framingham, yesterday.
Speeches were made by Messrs. Garrison, Phillips, Remond and others. Mr. Garrison
concluded his speech by burning the Constitution of the United States; also copies of the
Fugitive Slave Law, the decision of Judge Loring, and Judge Curtis’s charge to the
United States Grand Jury. The act was followed by applause and cries of shame,
&c."
On 5 July the Boston Commonwealth
reported that "about two thousand persons were present" at the Framingham
meeting, a much higher estimate than that given by most other sources. The Commonwealth
story took exception to Garrison’s burning of the Constitution: "We take the
occasion, speaking as we have no doubt we do, in behalf of a very large majority of the
‘friends of impartial freedom and universal emancipation,’ in this community, to
repudiate this act of Mr. Garrison’s, and say that they have no sympathy with it or
approval of it." Some other papers were plainly contemptuous. The Boston Atlas
declared Garrison’s burning of documents "a very silly piece of business"
and said, "The speeches were in the usual style of such gatherings, ultra in the
extreme." Warming to the task, the Boston Daily Courier said in a 7 July
article: "The ultra Abolitionists had a fine time at their gathering at Framingham on
the 4th, the heat of the weather coinciding with the warmth of their passions, and the
altitude of the mercury of the thermometer with the height of their folly. . . . The talk
was as crazy as the doings were, and is not worth republication. The Garrisonites were
declared to be the only opponents of slavery. . . ."
Notably, only in the Liberator was
mention made of Thoreau’s speech, and that briefly. In its 7 July issue, the paper
reported, "Henry Thoreau, of Concord, read portions of a racy and ably written
address, the whole of which will be published in the Liberator." Indeed, the full
text of "Slavery in Massachusetts" was published in the Liberator on 21
July, and Horace Greeley used that publication as the basis for his republication in the New-York
Daily Tribune on 2 August (RP, p. 331). The following Greeley editorial,
entitled "A Higher- Law Speech," accompanied the Tribune publication:
The lower-law journals so often make
ado about the speeches in Congress of those whom they designate champions of the Higher
Law, that we shall enlighten and edify them, undoubtedly, by the report we publish this
morning of a genuine Higher Law Speech—that of Henry D. Thoreau at the late
celebration of our National Anniversary in Framingham, Mass., when Wm. Lloyd Garrison
burned a copy of the Federal Constitution. No one can read this speech without realizing
that the claims of Messrs. Sumner, Seward and Chase to be recognized as Higher-Law
champions are of a very questionable validity. Mr. Thoreau is the Simon-Pure article, and
his remarks have a racy piquancy and telling point which none but a man thoroughly
in earnest and regardless of self in his fidelity to a deep conviction ever fully attains.
The humor here so signally evinced is born of pathos—it is the lightning which
reveals to hearers and readers the speaker’s profound abhorrence of the sacrifice or
subordination of one human being to the pleasure or convenience of another. A great many
will read this speech with unction who will pretend to blame us for printing it; but our
back is broad and can bear censure. Let each and all be fairly heard.
On 12 August, a slightly abbreviated version of Thoreau’s speech, also derived
from the Liberator, appeared under the title "Words That Burn" in the National
Anti-Slavery Standard. Wendell Glick, editor of RP, has pointed out that the
editor of the Standard termed "as ‘little better than profanity’ the
‘imputations’ that Thoreau was a ‘mere satellite and imitator’ of
Emerson, and [apologized] for having initially overlooked the speech. In the issue of
September 8, 1854 . . . as if to make further amends, the Standard printed a
favorable review of Walden, attributed to the Christian Register, and
alluded again to Thoreau’s Framingham address" (RP, p. 332).
Also impressed by "Slavery in
Massachusetts" was Higginson, who had led the effort to rescue Anthony Burns from his
Boston prison cell. In a 13 August letter from his home in Newburyport, Higginson wrote to
Thoreau: "Let me thank you heartily for your paper on the present condition of
Massachusetts, read at Framingham and printed in the Liberator. As a literary
statement of the truth, which every day is making more manifest, it surpasses everything
else (so I think), which the terrible week in Boston has called out" (C, p.
336). A response penned much later but by one who had actually been at Framingham is found
in Conway’s 1904 autobiography. Conway remembered:
Thoreau had come all the way from
Concord, and though he sometimes lectured in the Lyceum there, he had probably never
spoken on a platform. He was now clamoured for and made a brief and quaint speech. . . .
It was impossible to associate egotism with Thoreau; we all felt that the time and trouble
he had taken at that crisis to proclaim his sympathy with the "Disunionists" was
indeed important. He was there a representative of Concord, of science and letters, which
could not quietly pursue their tasks while slavery was trampling down the rights of
mankind. Alluding to the Boston commissioner who had surrendered Anthony Burns, Edward G.
Loring, Thoreau said, "The fugitive’s case was already decided by God,—not
Edward G. God, but simple God." This was said with such serene unconsciousness of
anything shocking in it that we were but mildly startled.6
Conway’s words represent well Thoreau’s own view of his limited engagement in
the anti-slavery crusade. Never a member of an anti-slavery society, he too saw himself as
a representative of science and letters compelled to interrupt his principal tasks by the
moral urgency of the situation. However, as suggested by this passage from Proceedings
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society at the Annual Meetings Held in 1854, 1855, &
1856, the anti-slavery organization itself construed Thoreau’s presence on the
podium as his public consecration to the cause: "In addition to the speakers whose
names have become more familiar to Anti-Slavery ears and hearts, we had the pleasure, on
the Fourth of July, to welcome Henry. D. Thoreau to the public advocacy of our cause. . .
."7
Finally, an unidentified review of A
Yankee in Canada by someone signing himself or herself "O. M." states, with
reference to "Slavery in Massachusetts," "The space allotted me forbids a
retrospect of that scene at Framingham, twelve years ago, of one free man wielding the
scourge of unminced truth over a million New England slaves—‘free white male
citizens’ of the Puritan State, but slaves still—willing or unknowing slaves of
a statutory cabal of banditti known as The United States of America!"8
DESCRIPTION OF TOPIC: The
Liberator of 7 July 1854 indicates that Thoreau read only portions of his lecture
manuscript in Framingham and states that "the whole of [Thoreau’s address] will
be published in the Liberator," which it was, on 21 July 1854. Aside from the single
sentence that Moncure Conway recalled and quoted (actually paraphrased) in his
autobiography, we have located no evidence to indicate which portions of "Slavery in
Massachusetts" Thoreau read at Harmony Grove, but for two reasons we speculate that
Thoreau read from the same manuscript Garrison, editor of the Liberator, used as
printer’s copy for the essay. First, in advertisements for the celebration, Thoreau
was not mentioned as one of the principal speakers, which suggests that his appearance was
not arranged very much ahead of time and which in turn suggests that he had relatively
little time to prepare his manuscript. Also, as Wendell Glick, editor of RP, has
pointed out, "The speed with which Thoreau prepared this lecture, and the lack of
variation between the [journal sources of material in the printed essay] and [the essay
itself in] the Liberator, make remote the possibility of [Thoreau’s] having
prepared an intermediate version between the journal and printer’s copy" (RP,
p. 229).
Notes
1. The Letters of
William Lloyd Garrison, ed. Walter M. Merrill and Louis Ruchames, 6 vols. (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1971-81), 4:341n5. [Back to Text]
2. Unless otherwise
specified, the narrative elements that follow are taken from the lengthy descriptions of
the Fourth of July celebration in the Liberator of 7 and 14 July 1854. [Back to Text]
3. Moncure D. Conway, Autobiography,
Memories, and Experiences, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1904), 1:185. [Back to Text]
4. Conway described
Sojourner Truth as a "lank, shrivelled, but picturesque" and "very aged
negro woman" (1:184). Born into slavery in 1797 New York, she was set free after 1827
with the end of slavery there. As a free woman, she used the courts to reclaim her son
Peter, who had been illegally sold into the South. After living in New York City for
several years, the six-foot-tall woman left in 1843 "to travel up and down the
land," at the same time changing her name from Isabella Van Wagener, the surname of
the last of her owners, to Sojourner Truth. After spending some time at a communitarian
settlement in Northampton, Massachusetts, where she became personally acquainted with
several abolitionists, she traveled throughout the country, particularly in the Midwest,
speaking against slavery. During the Civil War, Lincoln appointed her
"Counselor" to the freed slaves in Washington, D.C. [Back to Text]
5. Conway, Autobiography,
Memories, and Experiences, 1:184. [Back to Text]
6. Conway, Autobiography,
Memories, and Experiences, 1:184-85. [Back to Text]
7. Quoted from the
facsimile reprint of a selection from the volume in "Notes & Queries," Thoreau
Society Bulletin, no. 117 (Fall 1971): 7. [Back to Text]
8. Unidentified review of Yankee
in Canada pasted into Sophia Thoreau’s scrapbook, Collection of Mrs. Raymond
Adams. [Back to Text] |